Am 6. Juni überfährt ein Motorradfahrer ein Kind – die Folgen sind dramatisch und tragisch. Der Unfall ereignete sich in Hone Lama, einem Außenbezirk der Stadt Wamena. Die Motorradfahrer waren Soldaten des Bataillons 756. Wie immer bei Unfällen sammelten sich sofort Neugierige, aber auch wütende Verwandte des Unfallopfers. Dass die Täter Soldaten waren, machte ihre Wut noch größer, es kam zur Selbstjustiz. Die Täter wurden verfolgt, geprügelt, einer der beiden starb am Tatort, der andere wurde später mit Verletzungen ins Krankenhaus eingeliefert.
Zwei Stunden später unternahmen Kameraden des getöteten Soldaten einen regelrechten Rachefeldzug. Die Aktion begann in Hone Lama, von dort ging sie weiter durch einige Straßen der Stadt Wamena.
Die Soldaten drangen in die Häuser ein, verprügelten, wen sie antrafen, schossen in die Luft und auf Fensterscheiben, steckten Häuser, Motorräder und Autos in Brand und stachen mit ihren Bajonetten auf Menschen ein.
Nach verlässlichen Berichten wurde ein West-Dani, Elinus Yoman (27) getötet und 13 Personen vorwiegend durch Bajonettstiche verletzt. Einige Schwerverletzte werden noch im Krankenhaus Wamena behandelt.
Dieser Zwischenfall trägt erheblich zur Erhöhung der Spannung zwischen Papua-Bevölkerung und Sicherheitskräften bei. Niemand mag mehr den Versprechungen der Regierung Glauben schenken, die Probleme Papuas durch einen friedlichen Dialog beizulegen.
Viele Schießereien und Zusammenstöße der letzten Monate müssen bei den Papua die Überzeugung festigen, dass die Regierung gegen die Papua Krieg führt.
Das Bataillon 756 in Wamena hat sich den Namen Wim Ane Sili gegeben, wörtlich übersetzt ‚Ort des Kriegsgeschreis’. Soll dieser Name eine Drohung sein?
Alex Flor von Watch Indonesia kommentiert den Zwischenfall mit folgenden Sätzen: „1. Auf Seiten der verschiedenen Konfliktparteien Papuas liegen die Nerven blank, so dass bereits eher „triviale“ Anlässe wie ein Verkehrsunfall zur Eskalation führen können. Ungern erinnern wir uns daran, dass seinerzeit die bürgerkriegsähnlichen Konflikte auf den Molukken oder in Westkalimantan ihren Anfang in noch trivialeren Streitigkeiten genommen hatten.
2. Lynchjustiz ist in Indonesien keine Ausnahmeerscheinung und scheint insbesondere vielen BewohnerInnen der beiden Papua-Provinzen allzu oft das Mittel der Wahl zu sein. Dieser Zustand wird weiter anhalten oder sich gar noch verschärfen, solange die Bevölkerung in Papua keine Rechtssicherheit erfährt. Die Reaktion der Leute in Wamena muss insofern als „rational“ gewertet werden, als dass sie sich von einer Anzeige gegen die mutmaßlich schuldigen Soldaten keinerlei Hoffnung auf Gerechtigkeit machen konnten.“
Amnesty International schreibt in einer Stellungnahme zu diesem Fall: „Amnesty International fordert die Indonesische Regierung auf, gegen die Kultur der Straflosigkeit in Papua anzugehen. Sie soll notwendige Schritte einleiten, damit Sicherheitskräfte für die von ihnen begangenen Menschenrechtsverletzungen zur Verantwortung gezogen werden können. Dazu muss sofort das Gesetz über Militärgerichtshöfe geändert werden, damit Angehörige der Sicherheitskräfte, denen Menschenrechtsverletzungen vorgeworfen werden, vor unabhängige Zivilgerichte gestellt werden können. Außerdem muss Opfern und Zeugen ein angemessener Schutz gewährleistet werden.“

von Siegfried Zöllner

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Am 4. Juni (2012) fand in Jayapura eine Demonstration statt, die von Polizeikräften gewaltsam beendet wurde. Nach Informationen, die uns vorliegen, wurde ein Demonstrant getötet, zwei z.T. schwer verletzt und 43 Personen festgenommen.
Die Polizei setzte gepanzerte Fahrzeuge und Tränengas ein. Die Organisation KNPB (Nationales Komitee für West-Papua) hatte zu der Demonstration aufgerufen.
Man wollte auf kürzlich geschehene Übergriffe der Sicherheitskräfte aufmerksam machen.

Am Dienstag, dem 29. Mai, wurde ein deutscher Tourist, Herr Dietmar Pieper, von Unbekannten in Papua angeschossen und schwer verletzt. Seine Lebensgefährtin war Zeugin des Anschlages.
Sie berichtete, dass unbekannte Männer sich dem Paar genähert hätten, als es sich vormittags am öffentlichen Badestrand Base G aufhielt. Ohne irgend eine Motivation habe einer der Männer plötzlich auf Dietmar Pieper geschossen. Die Angreifer seien dann mit Autos davongefahren.

Eine weit verbreitete Meinung unter Papuas macht die indonesischen Sicherheitskräfte bzw. den Geheimdienst für den Anschlag verantwortlich. Ausländer sollten von Besuchen in Papua abgeschreckt werden. Gleichzeitig solle Papua als „gefährliche Region“ dargestellt und damit die Präsenz von immer mehr Sicherheitskräften gerechtfertigt werden.
Zum andern wollten die Demonstranten auf einen Zwischenfall im Hinterland von Nabire aufmerksam machen: Am 15. Mai (2012) wurden ein Papua von Sicherheitskräften erschossen und vier z.T. schwer verletzt. Pastor Dr. Neles Tebay, der Koordinator des Friedensnetzwerks Papua, nennt in einer Presseerklärung vom 5. Juni 2012 17 Zwischenfälle in diesem Jahr, bei denen Sicherheitskräfte auf Papua geschossen haben.
Er fordert dringend einen Dialog zwischen indonesischer Regierung und Vertretern der Papua.
Die Opfer des Zwischenfalls vom 4. Juni sind Yesa Mirin (25), aus dem Regierungsbezirk Yahukimo, Fanuel Taplo (29), aus dem Regierungsbezirk Pegunungan Bintang und Esan Sobolim (23, Student) aus dem Regierungsbezirk Yahukimo. Dem Namen nach ist Sobolim ein Yali. Yesa Mirin wurde getötet, die beiden Verletzten werden im Krankenhaus Yowari in Sentani behandelt. (sz)

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AHRC – KontraS (The Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence), SETARA Institute, AHRC (Asian Human Rights Commission), ICTJ (International Center for Transitional Justice, PGI (Indonesian Church Fellowship) and PI (Protection International) welcome the recommendation of the UPR (Universal Periodical Review) session released on May 25, 2012.

The UPR Session has released a number of recommendations in regards to human rights enforcement that we see as important and must be followed up by the Indonesian Government in the next four years. It is recorded that a total of 74 member countries participated in the session that was held on 23rd of May 2102 and made reviews on Indonesia’s national report on human rights.
27 out of them were members of the UN Human Rights Council, with 47 other members coming from observer countries. It is also noted that ASEAN member states also participated in reviewing the human rights condition in Indonesia. Regarding the recommendation adopted by the UPR 2nd Cycle’s Working Group, we see this document as adequately comprehensive to measure the commitment of the Government of Indonesia in enforcing many issues relating to human rights. Within this statement, we therefore, would like to highlight several issues that are of our utmost concern and have been previously submitted and included in our civil society report before the UPR session began.

First, the recommendation mostly emphasizes a few agendas that have been enshrined in the National Action Plan 2011-2014 relating to the progress of ratification of international human rights instruments that is currently stalled.
To name a few, the ratification of Rome Statute ICC and OPCAT has been included within the previous period of the National Action Plan (2004-2011) and as well in the previous UPR Session. However, up until the second cycle of the UPR session, both instruments still face a hindrance in reaching a significant progress which eventually should them to be included in the next National Action Plan (2011-2014). Furthermore, in this recommendation, a statement is also written to demand the ratification of the Convention on Enforced Disappearances (CED).

Second, another emphasis was put on the recommendation to guarantee the cessation of torture, strongly related to the amendment process of the Criminal Code which remains unresolved.
Torture as a form of crime was mentioned many times in the 2nd Cycle of the UPR session, particularly to be included within the Criminal Code amendment that is in line with the Convention against Torture, which has been ratified by the Government of Indonesia. The recommendation to amend the Criminal Code has also appeared a few times before in the 1st Cycle of the UPR Session (2004-2011). Moreover, the 2012 UPR session also recommends the existence of trainings for security forces and law enforcement officials and to bring the perpetrators to civil court, not the military court (particularly if the perpetrator comes from a military background).

Third, concern on the condition of freedom of religion and belief was mentioned many times by countries in the UPR Session 2012. In regards to that, the recommendation issued by the session specifically addresses the issue of freedom of religion and belief relating to the implementation and protection of religious minority groups in Indonesia such as Ahmadiyah, Baha’i, Syiah, and Christians. The recommendations also put an emphasis on the duty of the Indonesian government to repeal/amend several laws and regulations that are direct or indirectly discriminating certain religious groups and are seen as not in line with the Indonesian constitution and international human rights standards.

Fourth, on the subject of protection of human rights defenders, UPR 2012 recommends the government of Indonesia to provide a secure environment for the human rights defenders to support their work, including the guarantee to conduct independent investigation, and also to guarantee the protection of human rights defenders from acts of violence and partiality in legal processes.

Fifth, on the issue of Papua, the UPR’s recommendation mostly links the issue of freedom of expression, especially expression in terms of political issues. This emphasis to guarantee freedom of expression in Indonesia includes the guarantee of freedom of opinion by ending the implementation of Criminal Code article 106 and article 110. The situation in Papua, which is still far from access of international journalists, was also brought to the table in the UPR session. The recommendation thus demands free access for international and local journalists to enter Papua and West Papua. The recommendation also puts a stress on the climate of impunity and the series of human rights violations that are still happening in Papua and therefore, must be ended soon.

Sixth, fighting impunity was one of the general recommendations in a series of issues that were underlined by the UPR Session 2012. In this case, to fight impunity in Indonesia must be strengthened with the presence of laws and regulations and impartiality in its implementation.

Seventh, security sector reform also became a specific recommendation that was believed as vital as an effort to increase respect to human rights values and the rule of law through educational and institutional reform.

Based on the above mentioned recommendations, we assess that this period’s recommendation is more concrete than the recommendation released 4 years ago, and we see that this recommendation acts as a challenge for the government of Indonesia in the next 4 years in the enforcement of human rights. Thus, we urge the Government of Indonesia to objectify these recommendations into concrete derivatives, so that the development and success of each recommendation can be measured within a specific time frame as a form of progress for the next UPR session.
Concretely, we request the President to promptly call a number of high rank officials from related institutions with the issues mentioned above: such as the Head of the Supreme Court, Chief of National Police, the Attorney General, Minister of Justice and Human Rights and Head of the National Human Rights Commission to ensure that the efforts to implement protection of human rights are conducted in a serious manner. Most importantly, we as representative from the civil societies without doubt, are willing to become partners in the process of fulfilment of human rights.

KontraS, SETARA Institute, AHRC, ICTJ, PGI and PI

Read this statement online

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Papuan activist Melkianus Bleskadit has been imprisoned in West Papua province for his involvement in a peaceful protest and for raising an independence flag. His sentence highlights the continuing use of repressive legislation to criminalize peaceful political activities in the province. Amnesty International calls for his immediate and unconditional release. On 14 December 2010 a group of activists including students took part in a peaceful march in Manokwari, West Papua province, protesting against injustice and human rights violations by the Indonesian security forces against Papuans. The march ended at the Penerangan field in Manokwari where other political activists had gathered to commemorate the anniversary of the independence of “West Melanesia”. During the ceremony the “14 Star Flag”, a symbol of West Melanesian independence, was raised. The Manokwari Sub-district Public Order Police (Polres) arrested seven political activists: Melkianus Bleskadit; Daniel Yenu, a priest; and five students – Jhon Wilson Wader, Penehas Serongon, Yance Sekenyap, Alex Duwiri and Jhon Raweyai. All seven men were charged with “rebellion” under Article 106 of the Indonesian Criminal Code which carries a maximum sentence of life imprisonment, and with “incitement” under Article 160. On 18 August the Manokwari District Court sentenced Melkianus Bleskadit to two years’ imprisonment while Daniel Yenu was sentenced to seven months and 16 days’ imprisonment on 23 August 2011. Daniel Yenu has been released as he has spent more than eight months in detention. The trials of the five students are ongoing. Daniel Yenu’s lawyer has also raised concerns about his trial. The lawyer alleges that evidence not obtained from the location of the incident was introduced during the trial and that Daniel Yenu was brought before the court on 16 August and forced by the judges to defend the charges against him without the presence of his lawyer, who was preparing a written defence brief. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Indonesia is a state party, and the Indonesian Constitution guarantee the rights to freedom of expression, opinion, association and peaceful assembly. While the Indonesian government has the duty and the right to maintain public order, it must ensure that any restrictions to freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly are no more than is permitted under international human rights law. Amnesty International calls on the Indonesian authorities to withdraw government regulation No. 77/2007 that bans the display of regional logos or flags, which are used by separatist organizations. Amnesty International believes that this regulation is contrary to the spirit of the 2001 Special Autonomy Law that granted Papuans the right to express their cultural identity. Furthermore, the ban on waving these flags cannot be considered legitimate grounds for restricting freedoms of expression and association as set out in the ICCPR. Amnesty International is aware of al least 90 political activists in the provinces of Maluku and Papua who have been imprisoned solely for their peaceful political activities. Amnesty International considers them to be prisoners of conscience and calls for their immediate and unconditional release. Amnesty International takes no position whatsoever on the political status of any province of Indonesia, including calls for independence. However the organization believes that the right to freedom of expression includes the right to peacefully advocate referendums, independence or any other political solutions that do not involve incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence. — Working to protect human rights worldwide DISCLAIMER

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Am 15. Juni, gegen 09:00 Uhr, war es auf dem Gelände des Militärkommandoposten Kodim 1705 zu einer Demonstration von Zivilsten gekommen. Sie protestierten gegen das brutale Vorgehen von fünf Militärangehörigen, die am 14. Mai den indigenen Papua Derek Adii getötet haben sollen.
Familienangehörige und Freunde des Ermordeten forderten bei dem Protest eine Aufklärung des Verbrechens und die strafrechtliche Verfolgung der Täter. Dabei kam es zu gewalttätigen Übergriffen zunächst von Seiten der Demonstranten, die Fensterscheiben des Militärstützpunktes zerschlugen und mit Gegenständen warfen.
Yones Douw, der zur Beobachtung des Protests vor Ort war, lief auf das Militärgelände, um die aufgebrachte Menge zu beruhigen. Die Demonstranten sollen daraufhin gemeinsam mit Yones Douw das Gelände verlassen haben.
Das Militär reagierte nun seinerseits mit Gewalt: Soldaten feuerten Warnschüsse ab und begannen, auf offener Straße auf Demonstranten einzuschlagen. Dabei hatten sie vor allem den in der Öffentlichkeit bekannten Menschenrechtsverteidiger Yones Douw im Visier.
Mindestens fünf Soldaten sollen mit Holzlatten auf Yones Douw eingeschlagen und ihm Verletzungen an Kopf, Schulter und Handgelenken zugefügt haben. Auch der Vater des Ermordeten Derek Adii, Damas Adii, wurde durch Militärangehörige mit Holzlatten attackiert. Während Yones Douw geschlagen wurde, hörte er die Soldaten sagen: „Diesen Tieren muss eine Lektion erteilt werden“ und „Tötet die Leute einfach“. Eine ärztliche Versorgung soll Yones Douw anschließend im Krankenhaus untersagt worden seien, da das Personal für die medizinische Behandlung einen Brief der Polizei verlangt habe.
Yones Douw leidet seitdem vor allem unter Kopfverletzungen und ist besorgt um seine Gesundheit und Sicherheit. 2009 war er bereits Opfer polizeilicher Gewalt gewesen.
Menschenrechtsorganisationen und Kirchen Papuas verurteilen die Gewalt an Yones Douw und anderen Menschenrechtsverteidigern in Papua. In einer gemeinsamen Presseerklärung vom 17. Juni 2011 fordern sie explizit den Schutz von Menschenrechtsverteidigern durch den indonesischen Staat.
Amnesty International hat in einer Eilaktion (Urgent Action) dazu aufgerufen, zum Schutz von Yones Douw Briefe an die indonesischen Behörden zu schicken. Wer sich an der Aktion beteiligen möchte, kann bei der Koordinationsstelle des West Papua Netzwerkes weitere Informationen und einen entsprechenden Musterbrief anfordern.

Kristina Neubauer

(Q.: Amnesty International: UA:188/11 Index:ASA 21/014/2011 Indonesia, 17.06.2011; Sekretarias Biro Keadilan dan Perdamaian Klasis Nabire; Siaran Pers Bersama Koalisi Para Pembela HAM di Tanah Papua „Jaminan Perlindungan Pembela HAM…?).

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The workers’ union settled for a 40 percent wage increase over two years, as well as additional housing and other benefits. The workers will also receive wages lost during the strike in the guise of a one-time three month “signing bonus.” Prior to the strike, which began on September 15, workers at Grasburg were the lowest paid at any Freeport facility. The company also has mines in the U.S., South America and the Congo. (A two-month strike at Freeport’s Cerro Verde mine in Peru was suspended at the end of November pending government mediation.)
Juli Parorrongan, a spokesperson for the union, said that pre-strike monthly wages range from $361 to $605 a month. He expressed dissatisfaction with the agreement to the Jakarta Post: However, we decided to agree on the increase because we have to consider the humanitarian aspect, given that the striking workers have not been paid by Freeport for the last three months.
We were forced to agree to end the strike, but this is not the end of our struggle. Workers had blockaded roads in the area at key points and were accused of cutting the pipeline which carries mining concentrate to the port from where it is loaded and shipped for processing. By the end of the strike, the mine was operating at 5 percent of capacity. Two striking worker was killed and others were injured on October 10 when police opened fire at a large demonstration in Timika, the town near the mine.
Attacks by unknown gunmen on a vehicle carrying police and Freeport personnel led to more deaths and injury to two others. Such attacks along the road to the mine are a relatively common occurrence, and it is not clear if the latest ones were related to the strike. These assaults against security and Freeport personnel are believed to result from conflicts among police, military and Freeport security personnel feuding over the spoils from extortion targeting Freeport, as well as conflict over freelance gold-mining efforts by local people.
While these attacks are often blamed on poorly armed guerrillas fighting for independence, local police recently said that the shooters were “well trained.” The strike by 8,000 employees at the controversial open pit mine halted production costing the Indonesian government $8 million per day in taxes, royalties and dividends, which helped to broker an end to the strike. In the U.S., Occupy Phoenix, the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network, the IWW and United Steelworkers (USW) demonstrated in support of the strikers at Freeport’s Phoenix, Arizona headquarters in late October.
The USW, which represents workers at Freeport’s Chino mine in New Mexico, urged the U.S. Department of Justice to investigate reports that the company was making illegal payments to the police in West Papua. In a letter to Justice’s Criminal Division, the union wrote: The Indonesian police have recently been quoted in the Indonesian media admitting that they accepted millions of dollars from PT Freeport Indonesia to provide security for the miner’s operations in Papua, Indonesia, and the National Police Chief Gen. Timur Pradopo referred to the payments as “lunch money” paid in addition to state allocated security funding, stating “It was operational funding given directly to the police personnel to help them make ends meet.”
Human rights groups estimated that the payments raised salaries of the police near the mine between a quarter and one half. The payments are illegal under Indonesia law, where official corruption is a major problem. They are illegal in the U.S. if not reported. The Foreign Corrupt Practices Act also “bans companies from paying foreign officials to do or omit to do an act in violation of his or her lawful duty,” the union wrote. It called the payments bribes: intended to persuade the personnel to act in defense of Freeport-McMoRan’s interests even when those interests conflict with the police and military personnel’s lawful duty to protect Indonesian people…
Five years ago, the company was investigated for payments allegedly made to the Indonesian military The company reported $1.6 million in payments in 2008 to provide a “monthly allowance” to police and soldiers for security at the mine. In addition to its labor strike, Freeport faces challenges on a number of other fronts. The Grasburg mine has been an unmitigated environmental disaster. The disposal of millions of tons of tailings and other mine waste has decimated forests and destroyed an entire river system. Local inhabitants have been marginalized by an influx of outsiders.
The company’s human rights and environmental practices have long been criticized by major institutional investors. Norway’s government pension fund, divested its Freeport holdings in February 2006. In 2008, it divested from Rio Tinto, a minority owner of the mine. The deep scars from the mining operation can be seen from space. Last year, the about 90 Amungme tribe members, who live near the mining complex, filed a lawsuit arguing that Freeport had seized their lands illegally.
According to the Jakarta Globe, they are “seeking $32.5 billion in material and non-material damages for the alleged illegal acquisition of its ancestral land” in an Indonesian court. Despite its poor labor, environmental and human rights record, Freeport sometimes receives high marks from those who monitor “corporate socially responsibility.” Recently, Corporate Responsibility Magazine had named Freeport as the U.S.’s 24th-best corporate citizen. “How is this possible?” askedDavid Webster, an assistant professor of International Studies at the University of Regina in Canada. “Well, the survey’s methodology seems to pay no heed to human rights performance. Only human rights rhetoric matters.”
Unsurprisingly, the Freeport mine is a lightening rod for the pro-independence movement in Papua. The company gained its mining permits in 1967, as Indonesia­with U.S. backing­was undermining West Papuan aspirations for self-determination. (While West Papua and Indonesia share a Dutch colonial heritage, West Papua was not included in Indonesia on independence.) At the time, Indonesia was administering the territory under a U.N. mandate brokered by the U.S. in preparation for an act of self-determination (which was a farce when it finally took place two years later).
Under these circumstances, many West Papuans view the granting of mining rights by the Suharto dictatorship as illegal and the outflow of mining profits as theft that has left indigenous Papuans impoverished. These grievances have fueled broad sentiment for greater control over these and other resources, and Timika is a hot bed of pro-independence sentiment. Meanwhile, the U.S. government has staunchly defended Freeport since it first arrived in West Papua.
In Jakarta, the U.S. embassy: has conspired with Freeport management to defeat legal challenges as well as media and Congressional inquiries into human rights violations and other illegal acts carried out by security forces under Freeport pay and direction. In 2002, it conspired with Freeport and with the Indonesian government to limit and delay an investigation of an attack that cost the lives of three teachers, including two from the U.S. The Freeport strike brought renewed attention to the company and to West Papua. It came at a time of increasing unrest and repression in West Papua over its political status.
The strike also came at a time of increasing labor unrestthroughout Indonesia. In mid-November, Occupy Jakarta’s general assembly adopted a resolution on Papua. Key points are withdrawal of security forces from the region and an end to violence to against Papuans. It called for Freeport to be brought to “justice for human rights violations, environmental damage and violence towards workers,” and putting the future of the Freeport mine in the hands of its workers and local people.

John M. Miller is National Coordinator of the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network, which co-publishes the monthly West Papua Report. http://wagingnonviolence.org/2011/12/strike-at-freeport-settled-even-as-mines-scars-linger/ Website: http://www.etan.org

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Am 15. Juni, gegen 09:00 Uhr, war es auf dem Gelände des Militärkommandoposten Kodim 1705 zu einer Demonstration von Zivilsten gekommen. Sie protestierten gegen das brutale Vorgehen von fünf Militärangehörigen, die am 14. Mai den indigenen Papua Derek Adii getötet haben sollen.
Familienangehörige und Freunde des Ermordeten forderten bei dem Protest eine Aufklärung des Verbrechens und die strafrechtliche Verfolgung der Täter. Dabei kam es zu gewalttätigen Übergriffen zunächst von Seiten der Demonstranten, die Fensterscheiben des Militärstützpunktes zerschlugen und mit Gegenständen warfen.
Yones Douw, der zur Beobachtung des Protests vor Ort war, lief auf das Militärgelände, um die aufgebrachte Menge zu beruhigen. Die Demonstranten sollen daraufhin gemeinsam mit Yones Douw das Gelände verlassen haben.
Das Militär reagierte nun seinerseits mit Gewalt: Soldaten feuerten Warnschüsse ab und begannen, auf offener Straße auf Demonstranten einzuschlagen. Dabei hatten sie vor allem den in der Öffentlichkeit bekannten Menschenrechtsverteidiger Yones Douw im Visier.
Mindestens fünf Soldaten sollen mit Holzlatten auf Yones Douw eingeschlagen und ihm Verletzungen an Kopf, Schulter und Handgelenken zugefügt haben. Auch der Vater des Ermordeten Derek Adii, Damas Adii, wurde durch Militärangehörige mit Holzlatten attackiert. Während Yones Douw geschlagen wurde, hörte er die Soldaten sagen: „Diesen Tieren muss eine Lektion erteilt werden“ und „Tötet die Leute einfach“. Eine ärztliche Versorgung soll Yones Douw anschließend im Krankenhaus untersagt worden seien, da das Personal für die medizinische Behandlung einen Brief der Polizei verlangt habe.
Yones Douw leidet seitdem vor allem unter Kopfverletzungen und ist besorgt um seine Gesundheit und Sicherheit. 2009 war er bereits Opfer polizeilicher Gewalt gewesen.
Menschenrechtsorganisationen und Kirchen Papuas verurteilen die Gewalt an Yones Douw und anderen Menschenrechtsverteidigern in Papua. In einer gemeinsamen Presseerklärung vom 17. Juni 2011 fordern sie explizit den Schutz von Menschenrechtsverteidigern durch den indonesischen Staat.
Amnesty International hat in einer Eilaktion (Urgent Action) dazu aufgerufen, zum Schutz von Yones Douw Briefe an die indonesischen Behörden zu schicken. Wer sich an der Aktion beteiligen möchte, kann bei der Koordinationsstelle des West Papua Netzwerkes weitere Informationen und einen entsprechenden Musterbrief anfordern.

Kristina Neubauer

(Q.: Amnesty International: UA:188/11 Index:ASA 21/014/2011 Indonesia, 17.06.2011; Sekretarias Biro Keadilan dan Perdamaian Klasis Nabire; Siaran Pers Bersama Koalisi Para Pembela HAM di Tanah Papua „Jaminan Perlindungan Pembela HAM…?).

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CASE NARRATIVE:
According to information received from Persekutuan Gereja-Gereja Baptis Papua (The Fellowship of Baptist Churches of Papua), Koalisi Masyarakat Sipil Untuk Penegakan Hukum dan HAM di Papua (Civil Society Coalition to Uphold Law and Human Rights in Papua) and other activists, on 31 August 2011 at 5am, around 115 members of a joint team of Jayapura city district police (POLRESTA) and Cenderawasih military area command raided Papuan villagers in Horas Skyline village, Abepura district, Jayapura, Papua.
All of the team members had guns and long barreled rifles, and some of them were wearing a black mask. When they were some 300 meters from the targeted houses, the team shot at the houses seven times. Siki Kogoya, a villager who was in his yard at the time, was shocked upon hearing the gunshot, after which he saw the joint team members make their way to him. One of the members pointed his gun at Siki´s mouth, while three others pointed their long barreled rifles at his neck.
They then beat him with rifle butts and kicked his head, face, ribs and chest. Siki was ordered to lie face down on the ground, while the officers continued pointing their weapons at him and asked him questions regarding the location of Panius Kogoya, Etra Yanengga, and Arman Kogoya, and whether he knows Danny Kogoya. This was related to their involvement in a shooting accident in Nafri on 1 August 2011, and the killing of a taxi driver and burning of his taxi in Skyline on 6 July 2011.
At the same time, other joint team members went to Biben Kogoya (the neighbourhood leader)’s small house (this small house is separated from Biben Kogoya´s main house and is usually used by the community for worship, discussion or meeting) and raided it. The officers then brought 14 villagers (three of whom were sick), randomly picked up from the village, to Biben´s yard, ordered them to lie down and forced them to see the sun rise without blinking. The officers humiliated, kicked, beat and pointed their guns at the victims. The officers asked the victims who among them were Danny Kogoya, Panius Kogoya, Ekimar Kogoya, Etra Yanengga and Gidi Wenda, and forced them to disclose the location of Panius Kogoya, Ekimar Kogoya, and Etra Yanengga, and whether they know Danny Kogoya.  Being the neighbourhood leader, Biben had learnt from the urban village head (LURAH, an administrative leader for the regency/city area), that members of the regional Papua police (POLDA) and Jayapura city district police would raid his house.
He did not expect to be beaten however. The joint team members placed a photo of the killed soldier in Nafri into a photo album at Biben´s house, then they showed it to him and forced him to admit that he was the killer. Subsequently, Biben was dragged to an empty house which had been ransacked by the joint team members. There was a hole at the house, with bullets and papers around it. Biben was threatened with death if he did not admit that these belonged to him. When Biben refused to admit this, the officers dragged him towards the hole and tried to push him in. Biben managed to avoid falling in, but the joint team members then dragged him to another room. There, at the left corner, the officers ordered Biben to dig a hole while pointing a gun at him. Biben felt they would kill and bury him, and he tried to escape.
He was caught and brought to his yard, where the other victims were held. At 6:30pm Metius Kogoya, a Christian clergyman, heard of the news and at 9:30pm he came to the location where the victims were being held. There, he was asked by the joint team members to name all the victims. When he named Ekimar, the officers immediately beat and dragged him to an empty yard, where he was beaten repeatedly and forced to name another killer. Finally Ekimar named Panius, as a result of which Panius was also dragged to the yard and beaten together with Ekimar. Metius then sat with the other victims in solidarity. He observed the victims being humiliatiated and beaten for eight hours, until 1pm. While the victims were being beaten and interrogated, other joint team members were raiding Biben Kogoya´s house for documents that could be used as evidence.
They seized ‘weapons’ such as traditional arrows, a chopper, a knife. In the backyard, one officer shot a hole through a frying pan, stating, “With this frying pan, you cooked and gave food to members of the Free Papua Movement (OPM).”
The joint team members also raided other victims’ houses. Furthermore, the joint team also asked Novi Kogoya alias Pia (7 years) to answer where was the gun hidden by her parents. Even though Novi Kogoya anwered that she did not know, they kept repeating the question. Approximately at 1pm, the chief of regional police (KAPOLDA) of Papua and the chief of Jayapura city district police (KAPOLRESTA) came to Biben´s yard and ordered the joint team members to stop their assault. Then the victims were brought to the Jayapura city district police headquarters and interrogated as witnesses of the Nafri and Skyline killings. In violation of articles 17 and 38 of the Indonesian criminal procedure law, the joint team officers did not show any arrest and seizure warrant when arresting the victims. The police officers also did not inform the victims of their rights and interrogated them without legal counsel in violation of articles 51 and 54. The Jayapura police officers threatened to kill Ekimar and Panius if they did not confess to being the killers in the Nafri and Skyline incidents.
As a result, the two victims made statements that they were the killers. Ekimar is a minor, and his rights were violated by being interrogated and detained in the same manner as an adult. The police completed their interrogation of the victims at 11pm, excluding Ekimar and Panius, who were considered as suspects of manslaughter, murder, and violence under articles 338, 340 and 170.1 of the criminal code. The victims were taken to a prison truck and not given food until the following morning. On the next day, September 1, at 11:40am, a representative from the national human rights commission in Papua, the Baptist church of Papua and several human rights activists came to the Jayapura city district police headquarters to see the victims. After several complaints submitted to the police and due to insufficient proof, the police released all the victims except Ekimar and Panius at around 3pm. The 13 victims are presently suffering from trauma and cannot conduct their daily activities as usual. On September 3, at 9am, the Jayapura district police gave arrest and detention warrants to the families of Ekimar and Panius in violation of articles 17 and 21.1 of the Indonesian criminal procedure law. SUGGESTED ACTION: Please write letters to the authorities listed below asking them to intervene in the case immediately to ensure that all perpetrators are brought to justice in accordance with international human rights norms. Please be informed that the AHRC is also sending letters to the Special Rapporteur on the rights of indigenous people, the working group on arbitrary detention, and the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, calling for their intervention into this matter.

SAMPLE LETTER:

Dear ___________,
INDONESIA: Jayapura city district police and military arbitrarily arrest and torture Papuan civilians
Name of victims: Siki Kogoya (male, 23 years, student), Tinus Wenda (male, 40, entrepreneur), Yeskiel Wenda (male, 23, student), Arinus Wenda (male, 25, student), Nusman Kogoya (male, 18, student), Manianus Kogoya (male, 23, student), Mis Kogoya (male, 25, student), Yawenus Kogoya (male, 21, student), Budi Kogoya (male,15, student), Demias Kogoya (male, 16, student), Biben Kogoya (male, 34, neighbourhood leader), Metius Kogoya (male, 34, Christian clergy), Uwen Kogoya (male, 26, student), Painus Kogoya (male, 23, student), Ekimas alias Ekimar Kogoya (male, 16, student)

Name of alleged perpetrators: Officers of the Jayapura city dictrict police, members of the joint team of Jayapura city district police and military who arbitrarily arrested, threatened and tortured the victims Date of incident: 31 August 2011 Place of incident: Horas Skyline village, Abepura district, Jayapura, Papua I am writing to voice my deep concern at the arbitrary arrest and torture of 15 Papuan civilians, including several minors, in Horas Skyline village, Abepura district, Jayapura, Papua, by the joint team of Jayapura city district police and Cenderawasih military area command on 31 August 2011.
I have learnt that on 31 August 2011 at 5am, around 115 members of the joint team of Jayapura city district police and Cenderawasih military area command raided the villagers’ homes. All of the team members had guns and long barreled rifles, and some of them were wearing a black mask. When they were some 300 meters from the targeted houses, the team shot at the houses seven times. Siki Kogoya, a villager who was in his yard at the time, was shocked upon hearing the gunshot, after which he saw the joint team members make their way to him. One of the members pointed his gun at Mr. Kogoya´s mouth, while three others pointed their long barreled rifles at his neck. They then beat him with rifle butts and kicked his head, face, ribs and chest. Mr. Kogoya was ordered to lie face down on the ground, while the officers continued pointing their weapons at him and asked him questions regarding the location of Panius Kogoya, Etra Yanengga, and Arman Kogoya, and whether Mr. Kogoya knows Danny Kogoya. This was related to their involvement in a shooting accident in Nafri on 1 August 2011, and the killing of a taxi driver and burning of his taxi in Skyline on 6 July 2011. At the same time, other joint team members went to Biben Kogoya (the neighbourhood leader)’s small house (this small house is separated from Biben Kogoya´s main house and is usually used by the community for worship, discussion or meeting) and raided it. The officers then brought 14 villagers (three of whom were sick), randomly picked up from the village, to Biben´s yard, ordered them to lie down and forced them to see the sun rise without blinking. The officers humiliated, kicked, beat and pointed their guns at the victims. The officers asked the victims who among them were Danny Kogoya, Panius Kogoya, Ekimar Kogoya, Etra Yanengga and Gidi Wenda, and forced them to disclose the location of Panius Kogoya, Ekimar Kogoya, and Etra Yanengga, and whether they know Danny Kogoya. I am outraged to learn that the joint team members placed a photo of the killed soldier in Nafri into a photo album at Biben´s house, which they then showed him and forced him to admit that he was the killer. Subsequently, Biben was dragged to an empty house which had been ransacked by the joint team members. There was a hole at the house, with bullets and papers around it. Biben was threatened with death if he did not admit that these belonged to him. When Biben refused to admit this, the officers dragged him towards the hole and tried to push him in. Biben managed to avoid falling in, but the joint team members then dragged him to another room. There, at the left corner, the officers ordered Biben to dig a hole while pointing a gun at him. Biben felt they would kill and bury him, and he tried to escape. He was caught and brought to his yard, where the other victims were. At 6:30pm Metius Kogoya, a Christian clergyman, heard of the news and at 9:30pm he came to the location where the victims were being held. There, he was asked by the joint team members to name all the victims. When he named Ekimar, the officers immediately beat and dragged him to an empty yard, where he was beaten repeatedly and forced to name another killer. Finally Ekimar named Panius, as a result of which Panius was also dragged to the yard and beaten together with Ekimar. While the victims were being beaten and interrogated, other joint team members were raiding Biben Kogoya´s house for documents that could be used as evidence. They seized ‘weapons’ such as traditional arrows, a chopper, a knife. In the backyard, one officer shot a hole through a frying pan, stating, “With this frying pan, you cooked and gave food to members of the Free Papua Movement (OPM).” The joint team members also raided other victims’ houses. Approximately at 1pm, the chief of regional police (KAPOLDA) of Papua and the chief of Jayapura city district police (KAPOLRESTA) came to Biben´s yard and ordered the joint team members to stop their assault. Then the victims were brought to the Jayapura city district police headquarters and interrogated as witnesses of the Nafri and Skyline killings. In violation of articles 17 and 38 of the Indonesian criminal procedure law, the joint team officers did not show any arrest and seizure warrant when arresting the victims. The police officers also did not inform the victims of their rights and interrogated them without legal counsel in violation of articles 51 and 54. It has come to my grave attention that the Jayapura police officers threatened to kill Ekimar and Panius Kogoya if they did not confess to being the killers in the Nafri and Skyline incidents. As a result, the two victims made statements that they were the killers. Ekimar is a minor, and I am shocked that his rights were violated by being interrogated and detained in the same manner as an adult. The police completed their interrogation of the victims at 11pm, excluding Ekimar and Panius, who were considered as suspects of manslaughter, murder, and violence as mentioned in articles 338, 340 and 170.1 of the criminal code. The victims were taken to a prison truck and not given food until the following morning. On the next day, September 1, at 11:40am, a representative from the national human rights commission in Papua, the Baptist chuch of Papua and several human rights activists came to the Jayapura police headquarters to see the victims. After several complaints submitted to the police and due to insufficient proof, the police released all the victims except Ekimar and Panius Kogoya at around 3pm. The 13 victims are presently suffering from trauma and cannot conduct their daily activities as usual. On September 3, at 9am, the Jayapura district police gave the arrest and detention warrants to the families of Ekimar and Panius Kogoya in violation of articles 17 and 21.1 of the Indonesian criminal procedure law. Until now, I am not aware of any action taken against the perpetrators for their brutal and illegal behaviour towards the villagers. I urge you to seriously look into the victims’ allegations and take appropriate action against those found responsible. Appropriate action must also be taken against the authorities that have failed to intervene.

Yours sincerely, —————-

PLEASE SEND YOUR LETTERS TO: 1. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono The President of Indonesia Jl. Veteran No. 16 Jakarta Pusat INDONESIA Tel: +62 21 3863777, 3503088. Fax: +62 21 3442223 2. Mr. Kemal Azis Stamboel The Chairman of the First Commission of House of Representative of Indonesia Gedung DPR RI Nusantara II, Lantai 1 Jl. Jenderal Gatot Subroto Jakarta 10270 INDONESIA Phone: +62 21 5715518 Fax: +62 21 5715523 3. Chairman of Third Commission of The House of Representative of Indonesia Jl. Gatot Subroto No. 6 Jakarta INDONESIA Tel:+62 21 5715569 Fax: +62 21 5715566 4. Mr. Erfi Triassunu Commander of Regional Military Command XVII Cendrawasih (Kemiliteran Daerah Papua / Kodam Papua) Jl. Polimak atas Jayapura Provinsi Papua INDONESIA Fax: +62 967 533763 5. General of Police Timur Pradopo Chief of Indonesian National Police Markas Besar Kepolisian Indonesia Jl. Trunojoyo No. 3 Kebayoran Baru South Jakarta 12110 INDONESIA Tel: +62 21 3848537, 7260306, 7218010 Fax: +62 21 7220669 Email: [email protected] 6. Head of Division of Profession and Security of Indonesian Police Markas Besar Kepolisian Indonesia Jl. Trunojoyo No. 3 Kebayoran Baru South Jakarta 12110 INDONESIA Tel: +62 21 3848537, 7260306, 7218010 Fax: +62 21 7220669 Email: [email protected] 7. Chairman of the National Police Commission (Kompolnas) Jl. Tirtayasa VII No. 20 Komplek PTIK Jakarta Selatan INDONESIA Tel: +62 21 739 2352 Fax: +62 21 739 2317 8. Head of National Commission on Human Rights of Indonesia Jalan Latuharhary No.4-B, Jakarta 10310 INDONESIA Tel: +62 21 392 5227-30 Fax: +62 21 392 5227 Email: [email protected] 9. Ms. Harkristuti Harkrisnowo General Director of Human Rights Department of Law and Human Rights Republic of Indonesia Jl. HR Rasuna Said Kav.6-7 Kuningan, Jakarta 12940 INDONESIA Tel: +62 21 525 3006, 525 3889, 526 4280 Fax: +62 21 525 3095 10. Chief of Regional Police of Papua province Jl. Samratulangi No. 8 Jayapura INDONESIA Tel: + 62 0967 531014 Fax: +62 0967 533763 11. Chief of Jayapura city district police (POLRESTA) Jl. A. Yani No.11 Jayapura INDONESIA Thank you. Urgent Appeals Programme Asian Human Rights Commission ([email protected])

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The meeting was initiated by the Communion of Churches in Indonesia (Persekutuan Gereja-gereja di Indonesia) whose board members also took part in the meeting: Rev. Andreas Yewangoe (chairman), Rev. Gomar Gultom (secretary general) and Rev. Phil Erari (deputy chairman). The church leaders handed over a seven-page letter to President Yudhoyono, asking the Indonesian government to have a dialogue with the people of Papua.
They also asked Yudhoyono stopping the Matoa Operation in Paniai, Papua, which had caused 14 dead and some burned villages on Dec. 12. Other recommendations included retrieving non-organic troops from Papua, releasing Papuan political prisoners and annulling the Government Regulation No. 77/2007 which bans the Morning Star flag. They also declared that the 2001 Special Autonomy in Papua had failed. They questioned the establishment of the Unit to Accelerate the Development of Papua and West Papua provinces (UP4B) without the participation of the Papuans, calling such a move “non democratic.”
Benny Giay told me Saturday that the meeting was taking place for more than two hours. “It really hurt me when knowing our church members were attacked, their villages being burned, while we’re here in Jakarta.” Giay came from the village Onago on Lake Tigi in Paniai, near Edadu, where the Indonesian military and police have been organizing a joint military operation since Dec. 13. They also told President Yudhoyono that most native Papuans have suffered from Indonesian rule since Indonesia took over New Guinea in 1962. Violence created much suffering on the people.
They said most Papuans aspired to be separated from Indonesia. In front of his guests, Yudhoyono immediately asked Indonesian police chief Gen. Timur Pradopo to stop the Matoa Operation. He also mentioned that U.S. President Barack Obama and State Secretary Hillary Clinton had raised the issues of human rights violations in Papua. Yudhoyono welcomed such a dialogue but he reminded his guests that as president he has to keep the territorial integrity of Indonesia.
He promised to enforce the law in Papua and to stop human rights abuses. Yudhoyono promised to have another dialogue with the four reverends in the third week of January. The meeting began at 9pm and ended at 11.30pm at Yudhoyono’s private library. Gomar Gultom organized a press conference at the office of the Communion of Churches in Indonesia Saturday morning. Both Yoman and Giay are under the Indonesian military watch list.
An Indonesian military document leaked in August 2011 revealed that Kopassus agents were closely monitoring Giay and Yoman. Another leaked letter dated April 30, 2011, from the Indonesian military commander in Papua, Maj. Gen. Erfi Triassunu, to the provincial governor, Barnabas Suebu, also shows a military interference in civil society in Papua. The letter accuses Rev. Benny Giay’s Kingmi Gospel Tabernacle Church of trying to build an exclusive organization based on Papuan ethnicity, which Major General Triassunu viewed as a potential separatist movement, and suggests having the military mediate a conflict between the Kingmi Church (Gereja Kemah Injil or Kingmi Church) and the Indonesian Gospel Tabernacle Church (Gereja Kemah Injil Indonesia or GKII).
The letter also urges that if deliberations cannot resolve the conflict, “immediate action” should be taken. Since the letter came to light, Major General Triassunu has publicly apologized for accusing the church of being a separatist organization, claiming a faction of the church had asked for assistance from the military. Giay told me that Yudhoyono was surprised when seeing the photo of a dying Papuan activist Wayan Wayeni on the letter.
They told him that Imam Setiawan, the Indonesian police officer who led the attack against Yawan Wayeni on Serui Island, in August 2009, was later promoted to be the police chief of Jayapura. In his new position, Setiawan used excessive forces when cracking down the Papuan Congress in October 2011 and arrested around 300 Papuans.
But Setiawan got another promotion despite a written warning for his abusive behavior. He’s now the deputy director of traffic in Papua.

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